Among them is a fellow artist of ours, poet Axel Pinpin — who was a fellow for poetry in the 1997 UP (University of the Philippines) National Writers’ Workshop. For almost two years, he and four other companions — Riel Custodio, Aristides Sarmiento, Enrico Ybañez, and Michael Masayes — have been detained at the “temporary” holding facility at the PNP’s (Philippine National Police) Camp Vicente Lim in Calamba City, Laguna.

Now collectively known as the “Tagaytay 5,” Pinpin and his companions were on their way to Manila when they were abducted by a Navy-PNP composite team in Tagaytay City on April 28, 2006. Pinpin, Custodio, and Sarmiento — all peasant advocates — were to participate in the forthcoming Labor Day rally in Manila, with Ybañez driving for them and Masayes accompanying Ybañez.

After a few days, they were all presented to the media as “communist rebels” involved in a “destabilization plot” against the fictitious Arroyo regime. They bore signs of torture and would later tell relatives, colleagues and friends that they were indeed tortured — as is usually the fate of political prisoners in the Philippines, a country which loudly proclaims itself before the whole world as a democracy.

The “Tagaytay 5″ are among the more than 200 political prisoners documented by the human rights group Karapatan as having been jailed under the Arroyo regime.

As more than 200 of our countrymen continue to languish in jail for political reasons, for their efforts at genuinely serving the Filipino people, the worst criminals in the country — they who use the power that comes with high office to give full vent to their diabolical rapacity and complete disrespect for the rights of the people — run around like wild animals.

The Arroyo couple have so many times been caught with dirt in their hands; the mess surrounding the National Broadband Network (NBN) deal is just the latest, albeit the most brazen, instance. So many have been left to rot in jail for far lighter offenses. They deserve to be in jail and not even a thousand life sentences are enough to punish them for their crimes.

We support our fellow artist Pinpin and his four companions in their three-day fast, starting March 12, for Truth and Accountability, Justice and Freedom. Their fasting is in support of a three-day activity organized by the Promotion of Church People’s Response (PCPR) for jailed Ptr. Berlin Guerrero and other political prisoners.

We join our friends, the “Tagaytay 5,” as well as the other political prisoners and the PCPR in their call for the three-day activity: “Jail the First Couple, free the political prisoners!”

Artists’ ARREST
(Artists’ Response to the Call for Social Change and Transformation)

12 March 2008

Alexander Martin Remollino. Bobby Balingit. Bong de Leon. Buen Calubayan. C-An Lucas Reyes. Con Cabrera. Cynthia Alexander. J. Pacena. Jason Valenzuela. Kakoi Abeleda. Kapi Capistrano. King Catoy. Kiri Dalena. Lourd de Veyra. Maki Lim. RJ Mabilin. Rustum Casia. Teta Tulay. Winnie Balingit. Anino Shadowplay Collective. Anak ni Aling Juana. EarthFishFish. Gapos. Kilometer 64. Pilipinas Street Plan. Republika de Lata. Southern Tagalog Exposure. Uwawi.

We are once again confronted with a serious political crisis caused by the series of exposes of big-time corruption and bribery involving top officials of the Arroyo administration. As responsible and concerned members of the University of the Philippines Manila academic community, we believe it is our duty and right to make our voices heard and to take a stand on the social ills affecting everyone of us.

We believe that integrity and accountability in public office have been severely compromised putting in serious doubt the credibility and legitimacy of the present political dispensation and therefore its capacity to govern.

We are gravely concerned with the persistence of a culture of impunity with the government’s indifference and inutility in prosecuting and punishing all those involved in cases of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and torture. We condemn the continued disappearance of two UP students: Sherlyn Cadapan and Karen Empeño. There is no place for these human rights violations in a democratic society.

We are outraged by moves of the Arroyo administration to silence witnesses to anomalies and prevent people from participating in peaceful assemblies to express their sentiments.

As professors of UP Manila, we cannot teach our students integrity, service, justice, and good governance if we remain silent in the face of the present national crisis in leadership with such severity as the one we are facing now. We cannot be silent that in the midst of hunger, disease, and other forms of deprivations of our people, billions of public money go into the private bank accounts of unscrupulous government officials and their relatives.

As the Health Science Center of the University of the Philippines System, we are appalled by the deteriorating health conditions and violations of the peoples’ right to health. Money that should be used to help save lives, prevent the rise of infectious diseases, and improve the well-being of ordinary Filipinos, and even to fund universal health care, are lost through a system that is permeated by graft and corruption from the barangay level to the highest level of government.

Thus, we are convinced that the search for truth, justice, and good governance in the midst of charges and allegations must be relentlessly pursued especially at this time that the moral ascendancy of the Arroyo administration is being raised.

As an academic institution, we state our stand for truth, accountability, and justice.

1. We CONDEMN the culture of corruption and impunity characterizing the present political dispensation, and continue to assert for real change in governance by exercising the people’s rights of peaceful assembly, to information, and to take active steps to ensure that our fundamental rights and freedoms are protected.

2. We JOIN the Filipino people in asserting their rights by being actively involved in the search for truth and justice.

3. We SUPPORT the call of the Filipino people for President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to resign now!

We are one with the Filipino people in their struggle for the truth, justice, and good governance.

Members of the University Council, UP Manila
10 March 2008

It was as though the nation was not facing a grave political and moral crisis when Mrs. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo broke into song with two highly popular performing artists – one of them a foreigner who was invited to come in especially for the occasion.

The date was Feb. 14, 2008. Preparations for the next day’s big rally by various groups demanding truth and accountability from the Arroyo regime and the fictitious President’s resignation from office were all over the news.

The rally was the first of a series of broad and big protest actions against corruption that has been unfolding since Engr. Rodolfo “Jun” Lozada surfaced early last month to testify – and drop bombshells – in the Senate investigations on the Philippine government’s rigged and overpriced National Broadband Network (NBN) deal with China’s ZTE Corporation.

His revelations would tackle not only the NBN deal, but also other overpriced government contracts like the NorthRail and SouthRail projects, as well as the Cyber Education Project. An eye-opener, if not a rude shock for many, was his disclosure that it is “standard practice” to overprice government contracts by 20 percent.

All these had been stirring up things throughout the country, enraging even those who had long been accustomed to dismissing even big-time thievery as something that is “normal.”

And yet there they were, with the two singers “serenading” Arroyo, and Arroyo herself crooning a love ballad later in the event, as though all was well with the world.

It was a scene reminiscent of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, showing themselves on national TV either singing “Dahil sa Iyo” or dancing, every time the dictatorship was confronted with major challenges.

There was an apparent intent to steal the show from the various organizations that were preparing for the next day’s big protest action.

We, the Artists’ Response to the Call for Social Change and Transformation (Artists’ ARREST), shall not allow ourselves to be a party to this conscription of artists for the self-serving goals of a regime that has been weighed and found severely wanting.

We can expect that those in the Palace who live big-time off the hard-earned money of the people will cook up more of this as the crisis escalates. We in Artists’ ARREST shall not sit idly by as the fallacious and rapacious regime tries to enlist the artistic community in its project of pacifying the public by deceit.

The pens, the brushes, the cameras, the musical instruments are weapons we are wielding as we take part in the people’s fight for truth, accountability, and a government that does not squander the nation’s future.

Artists’ ARREST
(Artists’ Response to the Call for Social Change and Transformation)

11 March 2008

We have achieved moral certainty that there is enough basis to call for resignation.

NBN-ZTE deal
There is an obvious, deliberate attempt to hide truth from the public about the anomalous circumstances surrounding the ZTE contract. Despite testimonies by Jun Lozada and Joey de Venecia pertaining to direct involvement of the President and by FG, Malacanang’s only response was to invoke EO 464 and refuse to disclose records of the ZTE deal.

Hello Garci
Comelec officials have not been punished for glaring anomalies in the last presidential elections. Despite evidence showing Arroyo intervening by talking to a Comelec Commissioner, and an admission from Arroyo herself of doing so, justice still has not been served.

Extrajudicial killings
The administration has not answered for its involvement and continues to coddle implicated personalities like Gen. Palparan. International institutions, such as Amnesty International, have condemned the administration for, at the least, gross negligence resulting to the deaths of hundreds.

Other unanswered anomalies
The Fertilizer Fund scam exposed by Jocjoc Bolante, who explained how funds were diverted to Arroyo’s 2004 campaign. The North Rail project, wherein the Philippine government purportedly lost hundreds of millions of pesos on an overpriced contract. The Telecoms Franchise Bill, where FG allegedly asked for a 50-million peso bribe for the President to lift her veto.

Moral certainty is different from legal certainty.

Demanding evidence to meet legal certainty falls prey to the rhetoric of the Arroyo administration. Clearly, the law was framed to enable trust in the government by its people. In this situation, that trust has been breached. Legal certainty is not the absolute barometer for deciding when people should engage in protest action against a specific regime. Moral repugnance justifies a call for new, more credible leadership.

Meaningful reform is impossible under the Arroyo administration.

Efforts to institute reform have been co-opted. The Ombudsman is appointed by the administration and is perceived to be largely pandering to Arroyo’s interest. The DOJ is run by Raul Gonzalez, who has proven to be extremely loyal to Arroyo. Laws like the anti-plunder law and institutions like the PAGC have been unable to hold the administration and its officials to task.

The current corruption problem is not a problem of legislation. While the existing laws are essential, and proposed ones like the Access to Information Bill can empower the citizenry in their desire to improve government accountability, they need to be accompanied by public confidence in the government’s commitment and willingness to implement them. Corruption is an issue of leadership. Massive distrust in the highest official signifies that government is no longer perceived as effective in discharging its duties. This negativity only harms the nation in the long-run.

The logic that we should wait for other people to make up their minds or come out with more evidence is erroneous.

This is a chicken and egg argument. If we all take a lead, it becomes easier for institutions, like the CBCP, to heed our call. It also becomes easier for people with pertinent information to come out.

The potential ineptitude of the succeeding administration is not an excuse to allow an illegitimate regime to stay in power.

Should Noli de Castro become the President, the challenge is for the citizenry not to disengage simply because they achieved the goal of Arroyo’s resignation, which was civil society’s folly post-EDSA 2.

A military takeover will not necessarily follow from a call for resignation.

There was no military takeover when calls were made for Estrada to resign. Military adventurism has never worked without popular support, as evidenced by Oakwood and Manila Peninsula.

We believe that the removal of the Arroyo administration presents a crucial opportunity to institute reforms and changes to which this current administration has been deaf. A call for resignation is not only constitutional, but more importantly, moral.

Statement from Ateneo Debate Society

Joseph James E. Alcantara

IV AB Social Science, Ateneo de Manila University
Varsity Debater & Adjudicator, Ateneo Debate Society
Vice-President for PR & Comm., Ateneo Debate Society
Team Manager, Ateneo de Manila Track and Field Team
President, Social Science Circle
Moderator, Grade School Debate Club

I am supposed to testify as a defense witness today in connection with my coup d’etat case at the Makati RTC. However, after much reflection, I decided to forego my testimony and write this letter instead.

There are a few undisputed facts in this case: 1) That on July 27 2003, I, together with 300 other officers and men, spoke the truth; 2) No person was harmed; 3) No property was damaged and 4) Not a single shot was fired. Yet, after almost five years in detention, we still stand accused of committing a crime that could have us incarcerated for life. Is this just? No. Did I ever regret my actions? No.

Now, the prosecutors have allowed themselves to be used as instruments to further this injustice and the presiding judge may yet be pressured into convicting us, but everyone in this court room knows — deep in their hearts — that we are not criminals and definitely not a menace to society. On the contrary, we, the accused, have rendered faithful service to our Motherland.

We have lived by the ideals of our alma mater, the Philippine Military Academy — COURAGE, INTEGRITY and LOYALTY. The physical and moral courage to stand up against what is wrong and to fight for what is right; the integrity to resist the lure and trappings of power and wealth, and the unbending loyalty to God, Country and People.

The question now is, “Why are we in prison?” Indeed, why are we in prison when the truth we spoke of on that faithful day has been validated time and again through the despicable revelations of crime and corruption committed by GMA and her cohorts? Why are we in prison when through the recent elections, the Filipino people affirmed the justness of our cause?

In my search for the answer to these questions, I came across Henry David Thoreau’s essay on civil disobedience, and I quote: “Under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison.”

Today, I refuse to participate any further in this travesty of justice just as the GMA administration has lost all moral authority to render any judgment over me and my companions. Do your worst, for we have already been acquitted by the people.

Signed:

SEN. ANTONIO F. TRILLANES IV

Before sliding further into chaos, the Filipinos are again called on to stand up and act. The act of granting independence to a country does not make that country a nation. So many nations-states created after World War II have now disintegrated. Kosovo has just declared its independence this week from Serbia, which was once part of the nation-state Yugoslavia created after World War II.

The process of nation-building is long and eventful. Nationhood cannot be taken for granted. After EDSA 1986, the Filipinos had the opportunity to correct all the wrongs done to it by the Marcos administration and his new oligarchs as well as administrations previous to Marcos’. But the people were not vigilant. The old oligarchs simply came back to power. And later, the old and the new oligarchs joined forces and cut the Philippine pie among themselves.

We do not have the luxury of having a Barack Obama for a leader. But we can lead the change ourselves — each of us advocating for truth, transparency and accountability from the government. Sovereignty resides in the people, not in governments. The people must assert its rights — the right to a free press, the right to assemble, all the basic freedoms, especially the freedom from want, and the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

There is a “fierce urgency of NOW.” Before it’s too late, we must all act. We can all become co-creators of a new Philippines — a pluralistic, multi-ethnic, multi-cultural equitable society that is based on Freedom, Justice, Truth, Knowledge and Merit.

Let us all clamor for the resignation of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Ate Glo, It’s Time To Go!

Datu Jamal Ashley Yahya Abbas
President, Sawt al-Haqq (Voice of Truth) Foundation

The “critical mass” that can lead to the forced resignation of Gloria M. Arroyo can only rise from the spectrum of diverse groups and personalities agreeing who or what will replace the widely-discredited president.

Most of the 80,000 people who converged at the interfaith prayer-rally in Ayala, Makati City on February 29 supported the call for Arroyo’s resignation or removal. The call was echoed by tens of thousands other ralliers who held similar protest actions during the same week in several cities throughout the country as well as in Hong Kong, the United States, Europe, and other countries.

The Arroyo regime is in red alert — in panic mode, if you will — since the February 29 rallies. The events showed the confluence of major advocacy groups, opinion leaders, and a big number of students in just two weeks following whistleblower Rodolfo “Jun” Lozada’s corruption exposés with their resounding call for the president’s resignation.[1] It was like the thunderbolt that sent waves of masses taking to Edsa 1 and Edsa 2 — a political combustion that could electrify more mass actions increasing in frequency and in bigger numbers until the final day of reckoning for Gloria M. Arroyo.

Unprecedented

In many respects, the resign call is giving birth to a progressive plank even among the moderate groups as well as interfaith, lawyers, and youth sectors that see Arroyo’s resignation or removal as a step toward a deep-going reform in government and in the state’s political institutions. Outside the militant groups, this nuance was never seen before in Edsa 1 and Edsa 2. Seven years of the Arroyo regime have exposed alarmingly the fragility of the country’s institutions on account of the subversion of the electoral system to prolong the president’s rule, the manipulation of the legislature through bribery and tyranny of numbers to block impeachment moves, and military supremacy over the justice system particularly on so-called national security cases. What are claimed to be constitutional processes have succumbed to the use of force, threats, and corruption through bribery as a means of protecting the questionable rule of Arroyo.

Thus, the ground for starting a movement for democratic reform in governance by the people is already present.[2] Having said that, in the short-term, what should be the post-Arroyo replacement? This crucial question remains unresolved among the various and eclectic anti-Arroyo forces at this point. Almost everyone agrees however that some unity should be reached on this matter if the momentum for the resignation of Arroyo is to be sustained and pushed to its desired conclusion. There are various scenarios being floated:

1) Constitutional succession, with Vice President Noli de Castro assuming the presidency. This option is being pushed by the so-called “La Salle 60″ which is composed of the Hyatt 10++ — the resigned members of the Arroyo cabinet -– and other past cabinet members.

Except for its constitutionality, this option has drawn no serious appeal not only because De Castro is a lame duck but also because with Noli –- an Arroyo protégé — at the helm it will not address the immediate demand to hold the beleaguered president accountable for the various charges of fraud, corruption, and killings thrown against her. Besides, whether De Castro can lead the initiative to reform the government system let alone its electoral process –- an increasing demand from the parliament of the streets -– also remains a question.

A variation to this option, which De Castro is expected to refuse, is for the provisional president to call for snap presidential elections even before 2010. The unanimous requisite for holding another election is the revamp of Comelec to ensure its independence and instituting effective mechanisms to safeguard the right to vote.

Revolutionary transition

2) A revolutionary transition government, which has been endorsed by groups aligned with a former university president and some military rebels. This can be the result of a successful ouster move against the seating president with the possibility that it will be backed by military elements. This option, which can result in a civilian-military junta, has no mass appeal as proven in recent opinion surveys, and does not sit well with both moderate and other militant forces in the anti-Arroyo regime struggle. It will face stiff resistance from Congress once the transition government moves to abolish it.

An extreme version of this option, which a few individuals seem to be entertaining, amounts to a virtual anarchy -– anything to replace the regime “including chaos and revolution.” What kind of “revolution” they mean is quite murky at this point.

3) A citizens’ transition council to be headed by a Supreme Court justice. This imminent citizens-led council can also be the result of Arroyo’s forced resignation. The emergence of this caretaker body is essentially a political act done under an extraordinary situation –- reminiscent of the revolutionary transition in 1986 under Corazon Aquino – with enough powers while retaining the element of constitutional succession. The trailblazing transition council will be composed of -– and staffed by — representatives of people’s organizations, NGOs, and sectors that are struggling for the resignation or removal of Arroyo and are united by a concrete program of genuine social, economic, and political reform. These are the groups and sectors generally left out in Edsa 1 and Edsa 2 where the victories of people’s struggles were hijacked by members of the elite and ruled the country in the old tyrannical and corrupt ways that people power had precisely struggled to demolish.

The citizens’ transition council will address the public clamor for a non-traditional, pro-people political leadership that may likely draw support from other key players such as influential members of the interfaith, business, and the military. For this option to become feasible, however, the pressure that will force Arroyo to resign should be strong and insurmountable in a supreme act of sovereign power by the people allowing them — extra-constitutionally — to entrust powers to this caretaker body.

The short-term and minimum agenda of the proposed citizens’ council is to initiate immediate reforms starting with the electoral system to ensure a clean and democratic election in 2010. So long as this is made clear – alongside with the fact that the council will exist only for a specific duration – then it will likely draw the support not only from the disparate political forces arrayed against the regime but also significant segments of the broad public. Elite and traditional politicians should admit that they have already lost their self-proclaimed right to dominate leadership while the people have begun to realize they should assert their sovereign power if comprehensive reform in governance is to be instituted.

Status quo

Still others — some presidentiables included — would rather see Arroyo finishing her term until June 2010 or roughly for about 800 more days. If this is ruled out, presidential aspirants would scream to high heavens on the day Noli de Castro is sworn into office in place of Arroyo because with government resources at his disposal that would ensure his election in 2010. Some political readers point out, however, that if Arroyo is allowed to stay in office until 2010, what will prevent her from hanging unto power beyond that?

As far as anti-Arroyo forces are concerned, either of these two scenarios would plunge the country deeper into a political turmoil. Better have a minor incision now than be forced to take a major surgery within the next two years.

The search for a political alternative is a communal work in progress. Its shape and configuration will evolve in the process of widening and increasing the momentum for replacing a widely-perceived corrupt and most despicable regime. But the answer for an alternative leadership must soon be cobbled together by all democratic and patriotic forces as it will serve as the bridge toward building the “critical mass” needed to put an end to a regime of greed and fear. The arduous and contentious process of political reconstruction should begin with the first step.

_______________________________________________________

[1] See CenPEG Issue Analysis No. 04, “People Power,” February 26, 2008 at www.cenpeg.org
[2] This should be distinguished from the dynamics of the Marxist-led people’s democratic revolution which seeks the restructuring of the society with a socialist perspective, and with the foundations of a revolutionary government already underway in the rural countryside. Other ideological groups envisage peaceful reform using the parliamentary mode while others are pushing for urban insurrections.

We are disappointed over what happened during the rally in Makati last Friday, February 29, 2008. Allowing politicians to go on stage and speak in behalf of and to the crowd did not only misrepresent our convictions, but was primarily a breach of the agreement between the organizers and participating groups that no politician should be seen on stage.

We pulled out earlier than expected because we believe that our no-politicos agreement should have been binding enough and that no individual or group was above that agreement, the same way we believe that no one is above the law.

Friday proved that people of different beliefs and opinions can rally under the same banner and share a common goal. We are together in this fight for Truth, Accountability and Reforms in government, anchored on genuine democracy where transparency, dialogue and the rule of law are immutable and non-negotiable.

But we disagree that politicians, with whatever fame they have or had, truly symbolize our sentiments. Likewise, we believe that in order to make the greater majority of the public realize that politics should not be personality-based, opinion leaders themselves should veer away from the traditional approach of building up personalities as icons of change.

We look forward to the day when not only are our public officials held accountable to the people, but more importantly, that we, as a nation, value the honor of word and the promises we make.

In our pursuit of Truth, Accountability and Reforms, we are also putting forth our convictions against traditional political trade, be it in government or civil society, which has tolerated, if not contributed to having a culture of corruption.

A search for truth requires critical discussion and knowledge of facts and issues, not opinions or political statements from personalities. We disagree that the means justify the end; else we would be just like what we are fighting against.

Signed:

Chairman – Harvey Keh
Vice-Chairperson for External Affairs – Atty. Eirene Aguila
Vice-Chaiperson for Internal Affairs – Nina Terol
Membership Committee Head – Stephanie Cuevas
Communications and Public Relations Head – Niel Lim
Finance Committee Head – Steve Ladan
Secretariat and House Rules Committee Head – Ryan Chung
Special Projects Committee Heads – Karen Naranjo and Alvin Quintans
Truth Committee Head – Eli Convocar
Acccountability Committee Head – Princess Celestino
Reform Committee Heads – Marie Chris Cabreros and Gio Tingson

Team RP is a youth-led movement that is composed of college students and young professionals from all walks of life that is currently pushing for Truth, Accountability and Reform in our government. Team RP is also part of the BUSINA movement or Buong Bayan Isinisigaw Tama Na, Itama Na! Team RP believes that our decisions and actions should focus on the prevailing issues and problems at hand and not just on personalities and political figures. Team RP also believes in developing and implementing concrete action plans towards achieving its goals of promoting Truth, Accountability and Reform in our present-day Filipino society. As a youth-led movement, we believe that complaining about our country’s present situation and problems is not enough, rather proactive and collective action by every Filipino is a must if we hope to move forward as a nation and as a Filipino people.

For more information about Team RP, please email us at team.rp.official@gmail.com or you can also call us at (02) 426-5657.

Gregorio Honasan is reported to have made personal attacks against Prof. Jose Maria Sison in interviews with the Philippine Daily Inquirer and DZBB by accusing him of having issued orders from an airconditioned home in the Netherlands for the Filipino people to rise up against the Arroyo regime and by demanding that Professor Sison should return home to lead the protest mass actions.

Honasan’s attack against Professor Sison is totally baseless. It is a matter of public knowledge that the inter-faith rally of last Friday was generated by a broad united front of ecumenical forces, including religious and secular patriotic and progressive forces, especially the youth. These forces achieved a high level of united purpose by consensual agreement or under a roundtable type of leadership.

They agreed and acted to mobilize the tens of thousands of demonstrators not because of some orders from anyone from abroad but because they were acutely conscious of giving way to the people’s outrage over such grievous crimes of the Arroyo regime as massive corruption and plunder, gross human rights violations and servility to foreign interests.

We in the National Democratic Front of the Philippines believe that the broad united front of legal forces and the broad masses of the Filipino people are determined to continue launching protest mass actions until the Arroyo regime is ousted or becomes incapable of choosing in 2010 a successor to protect the bureaucratic loot of the Arroyo clique and shield it from criminal prosecution.

Having been a rabid anti-communist military officer, Honasan should know better than to demand the return of Professor Sison to the Philippines under the current circumstances. He should be aware of the gross and systematic violations of human rights, including the extrajudicial killing and forced disappearances of NDFP consultants Prudencio Calubid, Leo Velasco and others. Moreover, it is the NDFP Negotiating Panel that has requested Professor Sison to stay in the Netherlands for the purpose of peace negotiations upon the change of regime on the GRP side.

Until some months before the May 2007 elections, Honasan decked himself out as oppositionist to the Arroyo regime. Suddenly for strange reasons, he was received by Ms. Arroyo in Malacañang and he ran as an “independent” senatorial candidate with the blessings of the Arroyo regime. Since the time that he flipped to the Arroyo camp, Honasan has always found ways of defending the fake president and attacking her opponents.

We therefore call for the immediate resignation of the President and the Vice President to allow the constitutional process to proceed as quoted hereunder.

Article 7 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution

“Section 8. In case of death, permanent disability, removal from office, or resignation of the President, the Vice-President shall become the President to serve the unexpired term. In case of death, permanent disability, removal from office, or resignation of both the President and Vice-President, the President of the Senate or, in case of his inability, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, shall then act as President until the President or Vice-President shall have been elected and qualified.

The Congress shall, by law, provide who shall serve as President in case of death, permanent disability, or resignation of the Acting President. He shall serve until the President or the Vice-President shall have been elected and qualified, and be subject to the same restrictions of powers and disqualifications as the Acting President.

Section 9. Whenever there is a vacancy in the Office of the Vice-President during the term for which he was elected, the President shall nominate a Vice-President from among the Members of the Senate and the House of Representatives who shall assume office upon confirmation by a majority vote of all the Members of both Houses of the Congress, voting separately.

Section 10. The Congress shall, at ten o’clock in the morning of the third day after the vacancy in the offices of the President and Vice-President occurs, convene in accordance with its rules without need of a call and within seven days, enact a law calling for a special election to elect a President and a Vice-President to be held not earlier than forty-five days nor later than sixty days from the time of such call. The bill calling such special election shall be deemed certified under paragraph 2, Section 26, Article V1 of this Constitution and shall become law upon its approval on third reading by the Congress. Appropriations for the special election shall be charged against any current appropriations and shall be exempt from the requirements of paragraph 4, Section 25, Article V1 of this Constitution. The convening of the Congress cannot be suspended nor the special election postponed. No special election shall be called if the vacancy occurs within eighteen months before the date of the next presidential election.

We urge everyone to pray and work vigilantly for a peaceful resolution, which will finally lead to a new politics of virtue and politics of duty, which requires transparency, accountability and good governance.

Let us all support the call for resignations and a special election !